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Question 1A
Read the extract titled,
“Colonialism, coloniality and post-colonial Africa: a conceptual
framework”
, from chapter 7 of the prescribed book (Seroto, Davids & Wolhuter 2020) and then
answer the questions that follows. Colonialism, coloniality and post-colonial Africa: a conceptual framework
Post-colonial reconstruction of African societies cannot be limited to political and economic
transformation. Due to the predominance of Western epistemologies and systems of education
during and after colonialism, the African masses often became oblivious to their forgotten history. Western European colonial policies such as ‘assimilation’ (French) and ‘assimilados’ (Portuguese)
were based on a rejection of the local culture and an adoption of a foreign, European culture –
essentially a denial of an African identity. The African elite that worked in close collaboration with
the colonial administration often became the main protagonists of European culture. When a few
African leaders met in Addis Ababa in 1963 to establish the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), the objective was to liberate the continent from colonialism and apartheid. While apartheid was
abolished in 1994, African countries remained largely dependent on foreign aid which
compromised their political and economic independence. Without achieving its objectives, the
OAU was dissolved in July 2002 and transformed into the African Union (AU), which aimed to
unite its fifty-three member-states politically, socially and economically. The AU intended to
address the old African problems afresh through the promotion of democracy, good governance
and foreign investment (Carbone, 2002). For a long time, Africa seems to have been suffering
from the aftermath of colonialism, which has posed serious challenges to its economic development
and independence. The colonial legacy left behind structural inequalities that were
difficult to eradicate. However, Smith argues that ‘there can be no social justice without cognitive
justice’ and calls for an ecology of knowledge(s) that enables alternative ways of knowing and
scientific knowledge to co-exist (Smith, 2012:214). The inspiration of an African Renaissance, which is mainly about cultural and intellectual revitalisation, should become an integral part of
transforming and reconstructing the socio-economic landscape of Africa. Therefore, the
restoration of Africa’s intellectual and cultural history needs to be at the centre of political and
economic reconstruction and should not be treated in isolation. A common observation in previously colonised societies during the post-colonial period is the
patronising continuation of colonial myths and stereotypes that represent the culture of the
colonised as inferior (Alvares, 1991). Colonial powers regarded Asian and African people as
belonging to ‘backward’ or ‘child races’, who were inherently inferior because of their skin colour
and perceived immorality, laziness, as well as a disregard for the sacredness of human life (Kies, 1953). These stereotypes became an integral part of the colonial educational systems. To maintain
the political and social dominance of the colonisers, the real history of colonies was suppressed
and replaced with the history of the coloniser, which was alienating to the local populations. The
continuation of a colonial worldview and lifestyle after achieving political independence became a
defining characteristic of post-colonial Africa, which had to be confronted.
Conceptually, Maldonado-Torres (2007) explains the irony of colonial continuity by drawing a
distinction between ‘colonialism’ and ‘coloniality’. Colonialism designates political and economic
relations in which the power of a people rests on a foreign colonial/ imperial power, while coloniality
refers to institutionalised colonialism, i.e. colonial practices, expressed in a longstanding pattern
of culture, social relations and knowledge production (Maldonado-Torres, 2007). This duality
between colonialism and coloniality has previously been addressed by Mignolo (1999) who sees
the imaginary of the modern/ colonial world as a function of ‘colonial difference’ that operates on
a notion of a ‘coloniality of power’. Mignolo borrows the concept ‘double consciousness’ from WEB
du Bois, which captures the dilemma of subjectivities formed within the colonial difference, i.e. the
experience of anyone who has lived and lives modernity from coloniality (Mignolo & Ennis, 1999:29–30). Double consciousness becomes a crucial concept in explaining the ambivalence
and tendencies of liberated Africans towards colonialism.
1. Define “colonialism” in your own words.
2. How does Maldonado-Torres explain the concept of coloniality?
3. Explain the difference between colonialism and coloniality.
4. Sketch the sociohistorical background of colonialism and coloniality in the South African context.
5. Do you agree with the colonial policies that were implemented by European powers? Substantiate your answer.
6. How does the legacy of apartheid remain a structural element in postcolonial South Africa?
Question 1B
Read the extract titled,
“Paradigms in education historiography”
, from chapter 2 of the
prescribed book (Seroto, Davids & Wolhuter 2020) and then answer the questions that follows. All the questions are based on the extract. Paradigms in education historiography
The first fault line in the panorama of published research on the History of Education is the different
paradigms. Thomas Kuhn (1971) defines a paradigm as the way in which a scientific or
professional community views a field of study, identifies appropriate problems for study, and
specifies legitimate concepts and methods. Four major paradigms in History of Education can be
distinguished: Idea history, History of Acts and policies or a ‘perspective from above’, Social history
or a ‘grassroots perspective’, and Cultural history. Idea history presents the ideas of great thinkers about education through the ages, chronologically, as the main theme, typically with some background knowledge of the times in which the thinkers
lived. An example is Robert Ulich’s (1947) 3 000 years of educational wisdom. Other publications
in this stable include those of Power (1962) and Cole (1950). These books, which were popular in
the mid-20th century, usually limited their discussion to Western education thought, with at most
a token admission of education thought outside the Western world. The line of Western education
philosophers typically begins with Socrates and Aristotle, then goes chronologically through the
canon of Western educational thought, i.e. St Augustine, Erasmus, Luther, Comenius, Rousseau, Spencer, Herbart, ending with Dewey and Montessori in the early 20th century. A welcome
exception and recent publication outside the Western world, is the book by Gu Mingyuan (2014)
Cultural Foundations of Chinese Education, surveying 5 000 years of evolution of thought that
underpin education in China. On the heels of the idea followed a history ‘from above’: the history of policies and education Acts
and the institutional types they created; the purposes and curricula of these institutions, even the
methods; and the school attending population (which social strata attended these institutions). Some of these publications still contain a good dose of idea history too, for example Duggan
(1916), as well as Boyd & King (1975), many of which are still Eurocentric. However, there have
been many publications on the History of Education on circumscribed geographical areas (usually
nation-states) outside Western Europe and North America. An example is A Babs Fafunwa’s
(1974) A History of Education in Nigeria. However, the problem is that these publications have
never been integrated into the main corpus of the History of Education literature or scholarly
discourse. For example, the book by Fafunwa (1974) did not receive any review in a single History
of Education journal, despite providing ground-breaking literature on the largest education system
in Africa.
In the 1960s a new paradigm emerged, the social paradigm, as the focus shifted from ideas
shaping education to actual education practice (Depaepe, 2002:2–3). Education policies and
changes were viewed in their broad social and political contexts (Wolhuter & Karras, 2016). Over
time and in line with developments in the discipline of history and the social sciences, new topics
gained prominence, for example, the history of the role of women in education, the role of the
family, the role of minorities and the role of excluded or marginalised individuals and groups (ibid.). In contrast to the preceding two paradigms, this paradigm presented a grassroots perspective on
education at various times, i.e. how learners and teachers experienced education. In South African
educational historiography, for example, Hartshorne’s (1992) Crisis and Challenge: Black
Education, 1910–1990 and Hyslop’s (1999) The Classroom Struggle: Policy and Resistance in
South Africa, 1940–1990 present respectively a view from above and from grassroots level, on
the same era. The establishment of the oral history projects at the universities of the Witwatersrand
(Wits) and Cape Town (UCT) in the 1970s contributed significantly to this historical paradigm. These institutions addressed the neglect of oral history, especially on the experiences and
memories of the colonial and apartheid periods, enriching the historical archives now available for
researchers. The archives consist of sound and visual materials that preserve significant events
and experiences of ordinary people. A popular field of interest of historical significance was the
forcible removals that emanated from apartheid’s Group Areas Act (1950). The Wits oral history
project recorded memories of places such as Sophiatown and Fietas (Gauteng), and UCT
preserved the forced removal memories of Cape Town communities where black people were
uprooted to make place for white people. Here, the history of Claremont, Newlands, District Six
and so many others are recorded (Field, S (ed), 2001). Social history, commonly referred to as
‘people’s history’, is increasingly becoming part of the dominant alternative narrative in the
post apartheid period.
1. What was Thomas Kuhn’s (1971) main contribution to empirical research in the modern era?
2. Critique the social history approach and explain why it is relevant to decolonisation studies.
3. Why is oral history an essential decolonisation approach to history? Give an example to justify your answer.
4. Complete the following application question/task:
4.1. As a history teacher and researcher, select a topic for research that relates to indigenous knowledge.
4.2. Why is this topic important from the perspective of a decolonised history of education?
4.3. Provide two data sources from the literature on this topic.
4.4. What techniques of data gathering will you employ to argue that your topic is relevant and
acceptable as scientific knowledge?
Question 2
2. Answer the following questions:
2.1.1. “A distinct characteristic of education for indigenous people was language socialization. Language acquisition produces culturally competent members of society and in the process of
acquiring language, children learn about cultural practices” (Seroto, Davids & Wolhuter, 2020). With reference to the quotation, explain how the learning theories of Vygotsky (1978) and Lave
and Wenger (1991) relate to, or are different from, the learning of cultural practices by Khoi
children before the Cape was colonised by Europeans.
2.1.2. Explain how the Khoi and the San practise ubuntu as an essential African philosophy. Give examples in your answer.
2.2. The late former President of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, said: “Africa’s rock art is the
common heritage of all Africans, but it is more than that. It is the common heritage of
humanity” (Seroto, Davids & Wolhuter, 2020). Explain the significance of prehistoric rock art as
an expression of indigenous knowledge. Refer to the section titled,
“Education through rock art”
,
in the prescribed book.
Question 3
3.1. Answer the following questions:
3.1.1. Critically discuss the role of black missionaries in the history of religion during colonialism. Refer to chapter 4 of the prescribed textbook.
3.1.2. Explain why the Moravian Mission Society and the Dutch Reformed Church were at
loggerheads in the Cape.
4.1. Answer the following questions:
4.1.1. Three waves of migration led to the formation of the post-apartheid Muslim community of
South Africa. How did these migratory waves unfold in South Africa?
4.1.2. Critically explain the contribution of the Turkish professor, Abu Bakr Effendi, to the
development of education in South Africa during the late 17th and early 18th century.
4.2. Do you agree that there were “research gaps and silences” in the educational history of
South African Muslims? Explain these gaps and substantiate your answer with appropriate
evidence. (Refer to the section titled,
“Muslim educational history”
, in chapter 5 of the
prescribed book.)
5.1. Critically discuss the Bantu Education Act of 1953 and how students opposed it in 1976.
5.2. “People’s education for people’s power” is a phrase that is often misrepresented deliberately
for political reasons. Discuss this statement in light of the struggle for equality during apartheid.
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